The administration of many townships, particularly the urban ones , was largely the concern of an economic organisation that may be called a guild . Every guild was organised locally , though there were in existence extra – territorial organisations also . It may be gathered from contemporary evidence that the mediaeval guilds were of two kinds, the craft guild and the merchant guild . The former was a professional association in which caste and heredity played an important part , for though adherence to a particular profession was the determining factor for membership in a craft , still the choice of one s profession itself was largely conditioned by the caste of the individual . To the extent to which the caste of a particular individual influenced his profession, the professional guild in India differed from its European parallel, in which membership was solely determined by the voluntary adherence of a person to a particular profession . But , though caste influenced a man s choice of his profession , still it does not appear to have debarred a man from giving up the hereditary profession of his caste and taking to another. On that account he did not lose his caste. As Oldenberg correctly puts it , ” the Brahman might, as economic necessity often enough made him , carry on other than a priestly profession ; he might become a cultivator , a butcher or a thief ; then he was perhaps treated with contempt , but he remained a Brahmin ” .164 Thus the professional associa tion or guild was open to people irrespective of their caste , though a majority of them were conservative enough to be the followers of hereditary occupations . The partially hereditary character of the professions is borne out by a few pieces of contemporary evidence. Sulaiman says that in the kingdoms he visited people followed the professions of their respective castes . 15 Barbosa also was struck by the same feature , as may be seen from his remarks about the washermen of Malabar about whom he says that their sons must perforce follow the same trade. 188 An inscrip tion of the 48th year of Tribhuvanacakravartin Kulottunga Coladēva lays down the hereditary means of livelihood for a class of people known as the Rathakāras. Among them are mentioned architecture , building of coaches and chariots , erection of gopuras of temples with images on them , preparation of instruments required by the Brahmans in their sacrificial ceremo nies, building of mandapas, making of jewels for kings such as diadems, bracelets etc.
The factors that contributed to the growth of guild organisations are not , however , clearly known. Probably one of the objects of the formation of the guilds was to secure and maintain for their members equal opportunity and assure for them a good basis of subsistence by restricting or excluding competition. Under the conditions of the working of the guilds it should have been difficult for a member of a profession to carry on business himself unless he identified himself with the guild maintained by his fellow craftsmen . Further it would have been to their advantage if they organised themselves into a body and acted as such in their business or their relations with the Govern ment. It has been said : ” If we review their history, we must , I think , see in them an important factor in the development of mercantile interests at a time when such a combination as they represented was indispensable to the advancement of the middle classes in their struggle for recognition at the hands both of despotic kings and of an organised priesthood that was bent on suppressing the elevation of the third estate . With the growth of the guilds the new axiom of the later law was evolved , whereby the king was advised , not to oppress the gilds and not to tax too heavily. So commerce in the modern sense became possible .”
There appear to have been a good number of craft guilds functioning in South India . According to an inscription there were eighteen panas ( sectarian divisions) namely the vyavaharikas, pāñcalas, ( five sects of smiths ) kumbhālikas ( potters ), tantuvāyins (weavers ), vastra – bhedakas ( cloth dyers ), tilaghatakas ( oil millers ), kuranţakas ( kuratakas ? – shoe -makers ), vastra – rakşakas ( tailors ), devāngas, parikeliti ( parikelette vāru ? – keepers of pack bulls ,) go – rakşakas ( cowherds), kiratas (hunters ), rajakas (washermen ), and kşaurakas (barbers) .168 But probably the best organised and the most important among them were the pañcāļas , also known as the Vīra pāñcālas , añjujāti pañcāļattārl or simply pañcāļattār, pāñcāhanam vāru , pāñcāla varu , añjuvannam etc. Some scholars took the last word as a Tamilised form of the Arabic word Anju mān meaning an association ” while others have taken it to the early Jewish or Christian merchants who had settled in the west coast.” But since there is mention of an anjuvannattār teru in an inscription at Krishnapatam in the Nellore district, 171 where there is no tradition of any Christian settlement, such an identifi cation is not possible. Obviously the añjuvannam and the hanjumanedavāru are but variants of the Tamil word pañcalattar meaning the five artisan classes. The pañcalas consisted of the blacksmiths, goldsmiths, brass – smiths, carpenters and idol makers. The artisan classes appear to have formed themselves into a corporate body from very early times , and co -operated with the other professional groups and trading associations on matters of common interest. They traced their descent from Visvakarma the son of Brahman and their progenitor, through his five sons , Manu , Maya, Tvștri, silpi and Viśvajña.”7 There was great discipline among the members of the guild as may be seen from the closing words of an inscription, namely , any person who destroyed a particular grant was to be put out of the pañcālas his trade, his assembly and the nad , Besides the above profes sional guilds, there were others like the silk cloth makers, Kõmattis Vaijātis, gunny -bag makers, basket makers, manufacturers of salt, Vāņiyans etc. There is sufficient evidence to show that the members of the guilds lived in specified localities in urban areas, and met together at a common place like a temple to transact their business.176 It is, however , possible that the mem bers of the crafts could have lived outside the urban areas also .
The guilds acquired some privileges from the kings from time to time. For instance , the Kanmālar of a few places mentioned in an inscription were authorised to blow double conch , beat drums on good and bad occasions, wear sandals while going out and plaster their houses with chunam . The guild of one place had influence over the guilds of other places. For instance, the weavers of Kāñcipuram and Virincipuram enjoyed the right of using sangu and dandu ( conch and palanquin ), a right which was not enjoyed by other weavers in the regions nearby. Therefore when proper representations were made on the matter to the authorities the privileges were extended to them also . A similar charter was gained by the potters also . ”
The guilds acted as a body not only for securing rights and privileges but also for making gifts. All of them , for instance , made contributions for offerings in temples , at an agreed rate per individual.180 The shepherds of Karuvūr decided among them selves to present to the local temple a sheep on the occasion of the nuptials ( kattil ērudal) of their boys , and when their girls were sent to set up their family as also on the occasion of the talaimaņi of their children.181 A similar practice is recorded in an inscription at Bāhūr ( French tendstory ) according to which a sheep was to be given to the local temple by the shepherds (manrādis) on the occasion of kattil ērudal.182 The corporateness of their organisation is further borne out by the fact that it stood as security for the fulfilment of the obligations by any of its members . For instance , when a shepherd undertook to supply.ghee to a temple after having received a specified number of ewes, all the shepherds of the village undertook to see that he was regular in its supply and promised that ” if he dies, absconds, or gets into prison , fetters ( or) chains, we ( all those aforesaid persons ) are bound to supply ghee for burning the holy lamp as long as the sun and moon
Punishment for not observing the regulations of the guild appears to have been some sort of a social ostracism imposed on the defaulter.164 Apart from that , it is not known if they could be subjected to any legal punishment by the Government ; probably there was no such thing . The decisions of the guilds were enforced by fines. If the offender refused to pay , and all members of the guild belonged to one caste, the offender was put out of caste. If the guild contained men of different castes, it used its influence with other guilds to prevent the recusant members from getting
work . 185
The agricultural community in the country known as the Vellalas formed themselves into a corporation called citramēli ( mēli in Tamil meaning plough share ) and its members were called citramēli periyanatļār . They were also known as bhūmiputtirar and nattumakkal,18 apparently on account of their dependence on land . Groups of villages under this organisation were called citramali periyanādu, while some individual villages had the suffix citramëlinallür, citramēlivitankar and citramelicaturvēdi mangalam.187 A number of professionals were attached to them like goldsmiths, dancing girls etc.16 Very probably the citra mēli organisation had control over the production and distribution of the produce from land. 16 ° It was patronised by the rulers of the time and hence they themselves were known by the name
citramēli
Perhaps more important than the craft guild was the merchant guild, which , being essentially an association of mer chants, played a large part in the commercial life of the country and very much resembled the Sabha on account of the large part it played in the administration of the local area . As in the case of the craft guild , the sameness of occupation and a general community of interest, residence in a local area and membership of some religious sect must have served as factors in the formation of merchant guilds rather than their being members of one social caste or other. During the period under study the mercantile corporations in South India were many as may be seen from the different terms used to denote them namely the banajigas, vaļañjiyar, nānādeši, ubhaya nānādest, nadu . nagara , vaisya vāniyanagarattār, vaisyas, tanda , mummuritanda, naguro , –sim muri , samasta nakhara mummuri tanda , settis, settiguttas , ankakara , bira vanijas, ayyavole, manigrāmam etc. Among others were Brahman merchants and the Muslims. They followed their own code of conduct in trade referred to as banañjudharma, or valañjiyasamaya . The monopoly of trade enjoyed by them is borne out by the expression valañjiyattil -tanic -cettum found in the Kottayam plates of Vīrarāghava, where tanic -cettu may be taken to mean exclusive trade .
Marco Polo calls a class of traders as Abraiaman . Referring to them he says : ” These Abraiaman are the best merchants in the world , and the most truthful, for they would not tell a lie for anything on earth . If a foreign merchant , who does not know the ways of the country, applies to them and entrusts his goods to them , they will take charge of these and sell them in the most loyal manner seeking zealously the profit of the foreigner and asking no commission except what he pleases to bestow . They eat no flesh , and drink no wine and live a life of great chastity ; nor would they on any account take what belongs to another , so their law commands. And they are all distinguished by wearing a thread of cotton over one shoulder and tied under the other arm , so that it crosses the breast and the back . They are ido lators , and they pay greater heed to signs and omens than any people that exists . ”
They were very probably the Brahman merchants.
The dealers in horses referred to in inscriptions as the kudirai cettis constituted themselves into another guild.198 They are said to have come from Malainādu.19 Apparently they imported horses from foreign countries like Arabia and Pegu and supplied them to kings. Another guild was that of the saliyars or weavers .mportant than all the above merchant guilds were two, the Manigramam and the Ayyavole to which we get references in the inscriptions of the Deccan and South India between the eighth and the fifteenth centuries. For a long time it was not clearly known what the Manigrāmam was . Gundart, Logan and others thought that it was a Christian principality.196 Richard Collins took it to be a village of students.197 It was also suggested that it was a title conferred upon a donee.198 But it has now been accepted as a corporation of merchants.19 In an old Malayalam song called the Payyanar Pattola it is mentioned as the name of a trading corporation . Naccinārkiniyar takes it to be the name of a community ( kuluvinpeyar ). His mention of the Vanikagramam , a variant of the Manigramam gives the possible explanation of the word.200 From the provenance of the inscrip tions referring to it , it is evident that its activities extended over practically the whole of South India including the interior por tions.201 It also functioned in foreign countries as may be seen from an inscription at Takua Pa in Siam which mentions it there.209 This corporation consisted of merchants doing business even in different articles, It appears that it was exempted from certain taxes.803 It had a President and sometimes certain honours and privileges were granted to him . For instance , accord ing to the Kottayam plates of Vira Rāghava certain honours and privileges were hereditarily granted to the head of the guild , such as
” the right of festive clothing, house pillars …… monopoly of trade , ( the right of ) proclamation, forerunners , the five musical instruments, a conch , a lamp in day – time, a cloth spread ( in front to walk on ), a palanquin , the royal parasol, the Telugu ( ?) drum , a gateway with an ornamental arch and monopoly of trade in the four quarters (sēri).” He was further granted the brokerage on certain articles including salt, sugar , musk and lamp oil.204 It appears to have had control over customs collection also .
Another equally important mercantile guild was the Ayyavole to which reference is found in a number of inscriptions bearing dates from the eighth to the seventeenth century . Quite like the Manigrāmam it functioned from many places in the Deccan and South India as may be seen from the inscriptions mentioning it at places extending from Kolhapur in the north to Tirunelveli in the south.206 It claimed to be the protector of the Vīra Baļañja religion and traced its descent from Vāsudēva and Mūlabhadra or Vira bhadra . Its members were worshippers of Goddess Bhagavati called in the Tamil inscriptions Aimpolil Paramēsvarī or Aiyapolil Nacciyār. There were many sub -divisions among them like those coming from the thousand districts , the eighteen districts ( padineņbhūmi) or ( padinenvişayam ), the thirty two prosperous coastal cities (valarpurams ), the eighteen pattinams and the sixty four trade assemblies ( ghatikaittavalams). They claimed to have wandered over many countries since the beginning of the krta age , and penetrated into the six countries by land and water routes . Among the foreign countries where they flourished were Siam , Sumatra , Burma and Ceylon.207
This guild organisation had its headquarters at Aihole in the Bijapur district and hence its members were even known as the Ayyavalepura -parameśvarīyamakkal.208 Among such members were the Gavaras, Gatrigas, ſettis, settiguttas, Ankakāras, settiputras ( Settipilļais), Bira Vaniyas, Nānādešis, Nādu, Nagara , Eriviras, Ilañjinga vīras, Kongavālas, Kandalis, Bhadrakas, Govinda svāmis, ſingam , ſirupuli, Valattukkai ( Valangai), Vāņiyan etc. There was also a cross division among them , namely the svadesi ( native) paradesi ( foreign ) and nanadesi merchants. The Banajigas were an influential group among them . It is very probably from them that the modern term Banyan has been derived .
The nānādesis appear to have been divided in Southern India on a linguistic basis , as may be seen from the reference made to a particular nānādeſi organisation as having had an officer who was the leader of 4000 Kannada mummuri dandas .?
Among the numerous articles in which they traded were salt, paddy, rice , red gram , green gram , castor seed , arecanut , pepper , turmeric , ginger, onions , mustard , gingelly , iron , raw cotton , yarn , cloth , wax , honey , gunny bags, silk goods , camphor oil , perfumes, cattle, horses , elephants, precious stones like sapphires , rubies, diamonds, topaz, pearls , cardamom , cloves, sandalwood etc.212 Some places appear to have been wholly occupied by certain groups among them ; and such places were usually named after the residents. Apparently the Erivirapațțaņa mentioned in the inscriptions was so called because it was occupied by the Eriviras.818
The Ayyavole appears to have been known also as nānādēsiya tiśaiyāyirattu aiññārruvar, meaning the five hundred of the thou sand directions in all countries. Obviously their extra – territorial organisation was managed by an executive committee of 500 members . ” The Five Hundred ” are said to have had control over the craft organisations like the valañjiyar and the citramēli. Occasionally special congregations of a large number of people appear to have met for specific purposes . Thus a congregation consisting of one thousand five hundred representatives of all samayas ( religious denominations) from the four and eight quarters and also of their followers who comprised Ērivīras, Munai-vīras, Iļañjinga vīras, Kongavālas, etc. , met together and declared Sīravalli a nānādēsīya dasamadi Ērivīra – pattana and conferred some privileges on the residents of the town.21 At another time the nānādesis who claimed to be the protectors of the Vira Valañjika religion got together at Mailarpu (Mylapore) and decided to convert Kāttür which was originally Ayyapulal into a vira pattana, and thus exempted its inhabitants of all communal contributions. They further resolved that hencefor ward the town was not to be inhabited by such members of the mercantile classes ( 1 ) as demanded taxes or tolls by threaten ing people with drawn swords or by capturing them and ( 2 ) as wantonly deprived people of their food or otherwise afflicted them . They also declared that those who offended against this decision were to be excommunicated . Again in the 21st year of Kulottunga III the nāļu and the nagara of Urrattārnādu made the grant of a village after converting it into a mercantile town called Tayilunallapuram .” Among the functions of a local nature they discharged were the repair and maintenance of tanks and temples and the making of provision for the feeding of members of its community. 81 * Besides, as a community of businessmen, they collectively made grants for charitable purposes, such as the maintenance of temples, provision for lamps in them and the construction of processional cars, enacting of dramas etc. 810 The basis of the contribution differed from place to place. Sometimes an annual contribution was made by each member j 880 sometimes a certain fixed amount was paid on every unit of the articles of trade ; 881 sometimes a certain percentage of the profits from trade was given in charity.
The mercantile guild had a President who was variously called the leader of the nanadesi , m Paltanaasvami , Ki Pattana kilar,™ Dandanayaka of the deiis , 88 ‘ Vaddavyavahari 887 or Maha- vaddavyavahari’ m and the Senior Merchant. Among the other officers of the nanadesi organisation were the governor of the warehouses, manigara, nad heggade , svami, and the nad prabhu.
There was a strong sense of oneness among its members. If a member of the guild concealed his income (from the guild) he was considered a traitor to “God, king and creed” and his race was cursed to become childless.288 It was closely associated with the administration of the city or nagara, by reason of which its members were at times known as the nagarattar. Like the village Sabha, the Nagaram or the guild in the town was divided into committees (nagaravariyam seyvōm).286 285 Among the officers of the nagaram were the nagara karaṇattar (Accountants), and the nagara-madhyastha.” According to an inscription a Town Council is said to have consisted of sixteen members. It exercised conside- rable influence over the administration. This is borne out, for instance, by the fact that the Cāļukya king Tailapa II confirm- ed the toll contribution on betel leaves formerly fixed by Kan- naradēva (of the Raṣṭrakūṭa dynasty) at the request of the fifty mahajanas and the five hundred merchants was the Brahmapuri of the Western Calukya king Tribhuvana- malladeva are said to have lived the four hundred svamis of the place, the Vira Baṇanjus of (?) the thirty ‘countries’, ‘eighteen ‘ pattanas (sea ports), ghaṭikasthanas, seṭṭis, seṭṭiguttas, gavundas, gavuṇḍasvamis, biruda vanigas, barikas, the svamis of Ayyavole
Besides the village associations already noticed, Vêņid, it would appear, had for the whole state an important public body under the name of “the Six Hundred,” to supervise, for one thing, the working of temples and charities connected therewith. What other powers and privileges this remarkable corporation of “the Six Hundred” was in possession of, future investigation can alone determine. But a number so large, nearly as large as the British House of Commons, could not have been meant, in so small a state as Vêuid was in the 12th century, for the single function of temple supervision. There is an allusion again in this record to the “vaļañjiyars of the eighteen districts.” “The eighteen districts” were, no doubt, eighteen administrative divisions of Vêṇāḍ. Some of the names of these districts we may come across some day. But who the “valanjiyars of the districts” were is a more puzzling question. So far as I can make out, the word reads only as valanjiyar; but neither in Tamil nor in Malayalam am I aware of any current term of that description. It is an obvious derivative from the Tamil word valam, and the leading meaning of that term is greatness, dignity or honour.’ If I am right in my reading, we may reasonably presume that the eighteen valanjiyars were eighteen local magnates, or feudal barons of the realm. They were, as far as I can see, not men in the royal service, who are always described as those who carry ont pani, meaning work,’ or karyam, meaning ‘business.’ Both these latter descriptions occur in this document. But whatever was the difference in rank, emolument, and position, between those who carried out the ‘work’ of the state, and those who attended to its business,’ the valanjiyars of the land would appear to have been above them both. It looks probable that the “loyal chieftains,” whom we have now met so frequently transacting business in the name of the king and forming as it were his government or cabinet ministry, came from this class of vaļañjigars or feudal barons. That there were slaves attached to the land, and that there were two important kinds of land tenure, úráļ or úráṇmai, subject to the village associations, and kárámai or freeholds, directly under the state, are other interesting items of information we may glean from this record, though they may not be equally novel.